President Trump claims that the war with Iran is effectively over. If so, Congress has a straightforward task: it can prohibit funding for renewed offensive operations against Iran without specific authorization. Congress can also press the administration to reopen negotiations and require a public vote on proposals that would deepen U.S. military and intelligence cooperation with Israel. Democratic leaders' actions will reveal more about their intentions than anything they promised during their campaign.
I anticipate that Democratic leaders will largely maintain the policies that made this war possible. They may criticize the president for how he has run the war and call for restraint if fighting resumes. However, if they vote to continue funding for military operations, grant the president the freedom to order new strikes, and expand military cooperation without public debate on the consequences, they will help sustain U.S. involvement in the war.
It is essential to scrutinize what Congress includes in the defense bill.
One initial test is the proposed expansion of U.S.–Israeli defense cooperation. Provisions like the reported Section 219 of the National Defense Authorization Act warrant public debate on their own merits. What additional commitments would they entail? What oversight would Congress retain? Could resources made available under these provisions support renewed attacks on Iran? Congress must answer these questions before voting.
That is the question I would pose to Hakeem Jeffries and Chuck Schumer: Will you support an amendment that prohibits federal funds from being used for renewed offensive operations against Iran without explicit congressional authorization? Will you demand a recorded vote? A speech advocating for peace in the Middle East does not address these critical questions.
Follow the money through 2028.
The current military aid arrangement with Israel runs through 2028. Reports suggest Washington and Israel are already discussing an extension through 2033. Any new agreement demands public scrutiny before Congress commits additional funds. Lawmakers should state whether they will impose enforceable limits on the use of American aid in renewed offensive operations against Iran. This is also where voters can assess AIPAC's and other advocacy groups' influence by examining the policies lawmakers support and how they vote.
The United States makes its own decisions.
The Israeli government can request weapons, money, and military support from Washington. American officials ultimately decide what to provide, what conditions to impose, and whether to involve our armed forces. Democrats who vote to maintain this support without meaningful restrictions will share the responsibility for the consequences alongside the Republicans who do the same.
Congress can act while the guns are silent.
If the administration has sidelined negotiations with Iran, as has been reported, now is the time for Democratic leaders to advocate for talks. While no one can guarantee the success of negotiations, Congress can still give diplomacy a chance and require the president to justify his actions to the American public before initiating another round of conflict. Once the bombing begins, Congressional members will be asked to support decisions made in their name.
As a Christian, I reflect on the words of Jesus: "Blessed are the peacemakers: for they shall be called the children of God" (Matthew 5:9, KJV). I apply these words to the party I support as well as the one I oppose. I believe the lives of Iranian civilians, Israeli civilians, and American service members should be valued more highly than party loyalty.
Democratic leaders face a choice: they can limit funding for renewed attacks, ensure a public vote before entering new military commitments, and advocate for diplomacy while there is still time. If they allow the president to resume the war and vote to provide means for it, they will play a part in its continuation. Right wing or Left wing, we still get the same bird.
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